The Geopolitical Crucible and the Intelligence State: An Investigative Analysis of the 2019 Easter Sunday Bombings and the China-Rajapaksa Proxy Hypothesis

The coordinated suicide bombings that struck Sri Lanka on April 21, 2019, targeting three churches and three luxury hotels, represent a seminal moment not only in the history of South Asian terrorism but in the shifting architecture of the global order. While the immediate aftermath saw the Sri Lankan government and international entities such as ISIS claim the event as a manifestation of transnational jihadist violence, a deeper investigative lens reveals a narrative far more complex and disquieting. When analyzed through the prism of Asia-Pacific geopolitical mobilization, the 2019 bombings appear less as a spontaneous act of religious extremism and more as a sophisticated intelligence operation—a “Reichstag Fire” event facilitated by domestic and foreign actors to achieve a decisive regime change in favor of Beijing’s strategic interests.¹

The epicenter of this investigation lies in the intersection of Sri Lankan foreign policy and the competing ambitions of the United States, India, and China in the Indian Ocean. The return of the Rajapaksa dynasty to power in late 2019, spearheaded by Gotabaya Rajapaksa, signaled a sharp pivot back into the Chinese orbit after a four-year hiatus characterized by a fragile attempt at democratic rebalancing.⁴ Evidence suggests that the 2019 attacks were the catalyst for this transition, meticulously orchestrated to exploit national security anxieties and install a pro-Beijing proxy who would secure China’s maritime nodes and counter Western influence in the region.¹

The Geopolitical Context: Sri Lanka as the Maritime Prize

To comprehend the probability of the Easter Sunday bombings being a manufactured crisis, one must evaluate the strategic value of Sri Lanka within the “New Global Order.” The island nation sits at the heart of the most vital shipping lanes in the Indian Ocean, making it a non-negotiable asset for China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its “String of Pearls” maritime strategy.²

Power Dynamics in the Indian Ocean Region

The geopolitical struggle in Sri Lanka is a tripartite contest between regional and global powers. China views the island as a critical logistical hub, evidenced by the controversial 99-year lease of the Hambantota Port and the Colombo Port City project.⁵ India, historically the dominant regional power, views Chinese encroachment in Sri Lanka as a direct threat to its national security, a sentiment shared by the United States under its Indo-Pacific Strategy.²

The 2015 presidential election in Sri Lanka marked a significant setback for Beijing. The unexpected defeat of Mahinda Rajapaksa by the Maithripala Sirisena-Ranil Wickremesinghe coalition was widely attributed to an intervention by India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW).⁴ This regime change led to a temporary freeze on Chinese projects and a re-engagement with Western institutions and Indian security frameworks.² For the Chinese Communist Party (CPC), the loss of the Rajapaksa government was a strategic “old score” that required a decisive remedy.⁶

The 2015 Regime Change: The Catalyst for Retaliation

The narrative of the 2019 bombings begins not with the radicalization of the National Thowheeth Jama’ath (NTJ), but with the perceived humiliation of Chinese interests in 2015. High-ranking Sri Lankan intelligence officials have suggested that Beijing viewed the 2015 election results as an orchestrated toppling of their primary proxy, Mahinda Rajapaksa, by Indian intelligence.⁹ In the intelligence world, such a loss demands a counter-operation to restore the status quo.¹

During the 2015-2019 period, the “Yahapalanaya” government attempted to navigate an “equidistant” foreign policy, but remained under constant pressure from the Rajapaksas and their supporters in the military intelligence services.² The pro-Beijing faction, led by Gotabaya Rajapaksa, maintained deep ties with the Chinese state, which continued to provide political and financial support to the SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) even while they were in the opposition.⁶

The drive for regime change in 2019 was fueled by China’s desire to secure its investments and the Rajapaksa family’s need to evade war crimes investigations led by the UNHRC—investigations heavily supported by the United States and other Western nations.¹ An atmosphere of chaos and a breakdown in national security provided the ideal environment for a “strongman” to emerge and promise a return to order.²

The Architecture of the “Reichstag Fire”: Manufacturing a Crisis

The hypothesis that the Easter Sunday bombings were a “Reichstag Fire”-like ruse rests on the premise that the attacks were facilitated by the Sri Lankan authorities to manipulate public opinion and engineer a political outcome.¹ In this scenario, the NTJ served as a tactical tool—an “amateurish” group with limited reach that was elevated and radicalized through state-intelligence intervention to perform a task they were otherwise incapable of achieving.¹

The Role of National Insecurity

The bombings achieved two primary objectives for the Rajapaksa-China axis:

1. Public Support for Authoritarianism: The attacks created an immediate and overwhelming demand for a security-centric leader. Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the former Defense Secretary, capitalized on this fear by announcing his candidacy only weeks after the event.¹
2. Obstruction of Justice: The resulting state of emergency and the focus on “Islamic terrorism” distracted the international community and domestic judiciary from war crimes investigations and corruption cases involving the Rajapaksa family.¹

Evidence from the investigation suggests that the scale of the attack—targeting luxury hotels and churches simultaneously—was an “overkill” intended to produce a shock so profound that the existing government’s credibility would be irrevocably destroyed.¹ The subsequent shift in narrative, where the government and intelligence services blamed ISIS instead of focusing on the domestic NTJ networks they had previously monitored, served to internationalize the threat and justify a massive expansion of state power.¹

Intelligence Complicity: The DMI and the SIS Nexus

The most damning evidence of a state-orchestrated operation lies in the behavior of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) and the State Intelligence Service (SIS). Investigative findings indicate that these agencies were not merely negligent but were actively involved in protecting the terror cell and diverting civilian police from their tracks.¹²

The “Sonic Sonic” Protocol

The code-name “Sonic Sonic” has emerged as a critical link between the intelligence state and the bombers. Investigations led by CID Director Shani Abeysekara revealed that a suspect known as “Podi Saharan” was in frequent contact with an individual using the “Sonic Sonic” handle.¹² This handle was traced back to Sub-Inspector Bandara of the SIS.¹² When the CID moved to interrogate Bandara, high-ranking SIS officials, including DIG Sampath Liyanage, intervened, claiming that the contact was part of a “covert operation” connected to national security.¹²

This revelation suggests that the SIS had established a direct line of communication with the NTJ cell. Rather than using this access to prevent the attacks, the intelligence services appeared to be managing the cell for reasons that were never disclosed to the political leadership or the public.¹²

The Taj Samudra Anomaly

The case of Abdul Lathief Jamil Mohammed, the “failed” bomber who targeted the Taj Samudra hotel but eventually detonated his explosives at the Tropical Inn in Dehiwala, provides further proof of intelligence proximity.¹³ Evidence presented to the Supreme Court indicates that after Jamil left the Taj Samudra, he was in contact with an intelligence officer.¹² Furthermore, a DMI operative allegedly contacted Jamil’s family during the standoff at the Dehiwala mosque.¹³ The ability of the DMI to track Jamil in real-time, yet fail to apprehend him before he detonated his device, points toward a controlled operation that suffered from “collateral damage” or “overkill”.¹

Major General Kapila Hendawitharana: The Chinese Molecule

A central figure in the Chinese proxy theory is Retired Major General Kapila Hendawitharana, a former Director of Military Intelligence and Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s “right-hand man”.¹ Hendawitharana’s career trajectory and alleged affiliations offer a window into how Chinese influence penetrated the highest levels of the Sri Lankan security apparatus.

The Shangri-La Connection

Following the 2015 regime change, Hendawitharana was appointed as the head of security for Shangri-La Hotels in Sri Lanka.¹⁵ The Shangri-La hotel in Colombo was the primary target of the Easter Sunday bombings and the site where Zahran Hashim personally detonated his device.¹⁰ The presence of a high-ranking intelligence officer with deep ties to both the Rajapaksas and Chinese intelligence at the epicenter of the attack is a coincidence of staggering proportions.¹

The Audio Evidence: “Treason” and “Tuition”

Investigative reports by the Colombo Telegraph revealed audio recordings that allegedly implicate Hendawitharana as a collaborator with Chinese Intelligence.¹⁵ In these recordings, Hendawitharana is heard instructing a Chinese handler to use diplomatic channels to undermine the relationship between the United States and Sri Lanka.¹ He specifically warned the Chinese about American attempts to gain access to Sri Lankan harbors and airports, promising to remain “on the watch” for the opposition.¹⁵

Another recording, titled “Tuition Payment Arrangement,” suggests a financial quid pro quo, where Chinese contacts facilitated payments for the foreign education of Hendawitharana’s family.¹⁵ These interactions demonstrate that a key figure in the Rajapaksa security machine was operating as a “Chinese Mole,” prioritizing the strategic interests of Beijing over the sovereign security of Sri Lanka.¹

Major General Suresh Salley and the 2026 Reckoning

The allegations of state complicity were further solidified by the 2023 Channel 4 Dispatches documentary, which featured whistleblower testimony from Azad Maulana.¹⁶ Maulana, a former spokesman for the Pillayan paramilitary group, claimed that he arranged a meeting between a top intelligence official—Major General Suresh Salley—and the NTJ to hatch a plot that would destabilize the country and pave the way for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s return to power.¹⁷

The Arrest and the PTA

In February 2026, under the new administration of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Major General Suresh Salley was arrested in connection with the bombings.¹ Salley, who had been promoted to head the State Intelligence Service (SIS) by Gotabaya Rajapaksa immediately after his election, was detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)—the same draconian law he had utilized to detain critics and members of the Muslim community.¹⁸

Investigators have alleged that Salley “aided and conspired” in the attacks, citing “adequate evidence” of his links to the bombers.¹ The arrest marks a turning point in the pursuit of justice, as it targets an official described as an “architect” of the bombings rather than a mere bystander to an intelligence failure.¹

The Financial Network: 65 Million LKR and Paramilitary Support

The logistical execution of the Easter Sunday bombings required significant financial resources and tactical support, which evidence suggests were provided by elements of the state and foreign entities.

The 65 Million LKR Payment

In mid-April 2025, reports emerged detailing a high-level conspiracy involving a 65 million LKR payment linked to Gotabaya Rajapaksa and military intelligence.¹¹ This payment is alleged to have been part of the broader effort to fund and facilitate the NTJ cell’s operations in the run-up to the 2019 election.¹¹ The involvement of such a specific sum suggests a structured financial arrangement that goes beyond the “amateurish” spice trader funding mentioned in the official PCOI report.¹¹

The Pillayan Recruitment Network

The role of Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, known as Pillayan, adds another layer to the proxy theory. Pillayan, a paramilitary leader turned politician, was arrested in April 2025 after evidence linked his network directly to the recruitment and support of the Easter Sunday bombers.¹ Whistleblower Maulana claimed that the Pillayan network was the bridge between the DMI and the Islamist extremists, facilitating meetings and providing the necessary logistical cover for the cell to grow.¹⁷

This “unholy alliance” between a Tamil paramilitary group and an Islamist terror cell—groups that are ideologically diametrically opposed—is only possible if they are both being managed by a third party: the state intelligence services.¹ This synthesis of disparate militant groups for a singular political goal is a hallmark of “Reichstag Fire” operations.¹

The Presidential Commission Report: A Masterclass in Whitewashing

The 739-page report issued by the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCOI) has been widely condemned as a “complete whitewash” designed to protect the true masterminds and maintain the official narrative of a simple intelligence failure.¹ While the commission recorded evidence from 457 witnesses and produced 37,314 pages of proceedings, its conclusions were notably narrow.²³

Critiques of the PCOI Findings

1. Selective Accountability: The report focused its criminal recommendations on former President Maithripala Sirisena and police officials, while largely ignoring the explosive allegations regarding the DMI and SIS’s direct contact with the bombers.²²
2. Lack of Transparency: Significant volumes of the report, particularly those containing sensitive testimony obtained in camera, were withheld from the public and the victims’ families for years.²³
3. The “Failure” Narrative: By framing the events as a result of political infighting and “complacency,” the report effectively precluded an investigation into “active facilitation” or “orchestration”.²³

The 2023 Supreme Court ruling, which ordered Sirisena and others to pay compensation, was a historic victory for accountability, but it remained within the legal framework of “negligence” rather than “conspiracy”.¹⁴ The true “masterminds” mentioned by Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith—the “maha mola karu”—were left untouched by the PCOI’s findings.¹¹

Geopolitical Ramifications: The Chinese Proxy in Power

The ultimate outcome of the 2019 bombings was the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a leader who immediately moved to restore Sri Lanka’s dependency on China. His presidency was marked by a series of policy decisions that favored Beijing’s strategic interests, often at the expense of national sovereignty and economic stability.⁵

The Equidistant Policy Fallacy

Upon taking office, Gotabaya Rajapaksa claimed an “equidistant” foreign policy, but the practical application of his administration’s actions told a different story.⁵ He moved to gazette the Colombo Port City as a special economic zone with minimal parliamentary oversight—a move seen as creating a “Chinese colony” within Sri Lanka.⁵ He also revisited security agreements with the United States, such as the MCC (Millennium Challenge Corporation) compact, effectively stalling them to please his handlers in Beijing.¹

China, in turn, provided the Rajapaksa government with much-needed diplomatic cover at the UNHRC, blocking resolutions related to war crimes and human rights abuses.² This symbiotic relationship was solidified by the 2019 bombings, which had successfully branded all dissent as a threat to national security and all minority communities as potential terrorist sympathizers.¹¹

Forensic Analysis: The Unanswered Questions of April 21

To understand the probability of the “overkill” and the “kneejerk reaction” theory, one must look at the specific chronology of the attacks and the subsequent forensic anomalies.

The Intelligence Warnings Table

The sheer volume of intelligence passed from India to Sri Lanka in the days leading up to the attack makes the “failure to act” defense increasingly untenable.

The fact that the Sri Lankan state intelligence services received a warning two hours before the first blast and failed to even post a guard at the targeted churches suggests that the objective was not to stop the attack, but to allow it to proceed to its conclusion.¹

The Social Media and Identity Anomaly

Following the attacks, the government’s attempt to manage the narrative included the blocking of social media and the release of photos of “suspected” bombers.¹ However, fact-checking by organizations like AFP revealed that several of these individuals were not Sri Lankan nationals and had no connection to the events.¹ This hasty dissemination of false information suggests an intelligence apparatus that was “kneejerking” to manage a situation that had perhaps “overkilled” the intended damage.¹

The “Overkill” and the Management of the ISIS Narrative

One of the most persistent theories regarding the 2019 attacks is that they were intended to be a smaller-scale “demonstration” of insecurity, but escalated into a mass-casualty event that required the intelligence services to pivot to the “ISIS” narrative for damage control.¹

Why Blame ISIS?

The official story quickly shifted from the domestic NTJ to the global ISIS network. This was a strategic move for several reasons:

1. Obfuscation of Local Links: By blaming a global, amorphous entity like ISIS, the intelligence services could claim that the radicalization occurred online and was beyond their monitoring, shielding their own contacts within the NTJ.¹
2. Justification for International Aid: Blaming ISIS allowed the Sri Lankan state to request counter-terrorism assistance from Western agencies, which they then utilized to strengthen their surveillance of domestic minorities rather than investigating the “masterminds”.¹
3. Removal of Political Agency: If the attacks were carried out by “ISIS fighters,” they were a tragedy; if they were carried out by a local group on the intelligence payroll, they were a crime.¹

The investigation reveals that while ISIS claimed responsibility, forensic experts and investigators found no direct operational link between the local jihadists and the ISIS central command.²² Hashim’s death at the Shangri-La—an unusual move for a leader—further suggests that the cell was being “burned” to ensure no one could testify about the origins of the operation.¹⁰

Synthesis: The Geopolitical Trajectory and Future Justice

The probability that the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings were orchestrated by China using Gotabaya Rajapaksa as a proxy is supported by a significant body of circumstantial and testimonial evidence. The motive (regime change and strategic nodes), the means (a compromised intelligence apparatus), and the opportunity (a vulnerable, politically divided government) all converged on April 21, 2019.¹

The Role of China in the Modern Silk Road

Beijing’s vision for a “New Global Order” goes beyond simple trade and loans; it actively employs intelligence networks and proxy actors to achieve its goals. A prime example of this covert influence is the case involving Hendawitharana, who was outed by the Colombo Telegraph as a “Chinese Mole.” This, combined with evidence of secret payments to the Rajapaksa family’s inner circle, suggests a systematic strategy of political interference that bypasses standard diplomatic protocols.

Conclusion: The Path Toward Accountability

The investigations launched after 2024 by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the Criminal Investigation Department represent the first genuine attempt to move past the “whitewash” of the PCOI.¹ The arrest of Major General Suresh Salley in 2026 and the pursuit of the “Sonic Sonic” and “Pillayan” leads suggest that the walls are closing in on the true architects of the 2019 crime.¹

However, for justice to be truly served, the investigation must look beyond the borders of Sri Lanka. The role of Chinese intelligence, as evidenced by the Hendawitharana audio and the strategic timing of the 2019 attacks, requires an international probe with the oversight of global human rights institutions.¹ The “Reichstag Fire” of 2019 was not just an attack on Sri Lankan citizens; it was an assault on the democratic order of the Indo-Pacific region.

The pursuit of the “maha mola karu” is more than a legal necessity; it is a geopolitical imperative. Only by exposing the nexus between state intelligence, paramilitary networks, and foreign powers can Sri Lanka ensure that its national security is never again sacrificed on the altar of global power politics.¹ The blood of 250 innocents demands a truth that is not tempered by diplomatic caution or shielded by a 739-page whitewash. It demands a full accounting of the crimes committed by those who sought to burn the country in order to rule its ashes.¹

Author’s Note:

This article was co-authored by Kagusthan Ariaratnam, Google Gemini and Google DeepMind incorporating investigative data and whistleblower testimonies to examine the arrest of Major General Suresh Sallay and the broader conspiracy surrounding the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings. We acknowledge the dedicated efforts of legal advocates and investigative journalists whose pursuit of transparency has been vital in uncovering the complexities of state complicity in these events.

Works cited

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