Sri Lanka approaches the sixth anniversary of the April 21, 2019 Easter Sunday bombings with both remembrance and unresolved grief. Memorial masses and candlelight vigils are planned to honor the 269 victims of the coordinated suicide attacks on churches and hotels. Yet this solemn commemoration is clouded by controversy, as new allegations suggest the tragedy was not merely an intelligence failure but possibly an orchestrated plot with political motives. The island’s Catholic leadership continues to voice frustration at the lack of accountability. Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, Archbishop of Colombo, has warned that if justice is not delivered by this anniversary, the public may again take to the streets in protest. His words underscore the persistent concern that the true masterminds of the attack remain at large.
Government officials insist that investigations are ongoing, but progress has been painfully slow. Sri Lanka’s newly elected President Anura Kumara Dissanayake ordered to continue the investigations initiated by the former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who assumed office after the previous administration’s collapse. Wickremesinghe had appointed a special committee in late 2023 to probe the shocking revelations of state complicity. “Successive Sri Lankan governments have demonstrated an unwavering commitment to uncovering the truth,” Sri Lanka’s defense ministry repeatedly claimed. However, many Sri Lankans are not convinced. Opposition lawmakers, church leaders, and human rights groups argue that inquiries were deliberately stonewalled under former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s regime. As Cardinal Ranjith put it bluntly, “They have made a mockery of transparency, a mockery of accountability and a mockery of democracy.”
The 2019 Easter Sunday Attacks and Official Narrative
On Easter morning 2019, six nearly simultaneous suicide bombings struck three churches during services and three luxury hotels packed with tourists. The carnage—men, women, and children killed in pews and breakfast halls—shocked the world. Within hours, Sri Lankan authorities blamed a little-known Islamist group, the National Thowheeth Jama’ath (NTJ), saying its radicalized members carried out the massacre inspired by ISIS. ISIS’s propaganda arm even released a video claiming credit, showing the local ringleader, Zahran Hashim, pledging allegiance to the caliphate.
Security analysts at the time pointed to massive lapses by the Sri Lankan state. It later emerged that foreign intelligence—detailed and precise intelligence passed along by neighboring India—had warned of an imminent attack. As early as April 4, 2019, India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) alerted Sri Lankan officials about a possible plot against churches, even naming Zahran Hashim. Yet this warning and others were ignored amid bureaucratic dysfunction and political infighting. An official commission would fault then-President Maithripala Sirisena and his security chiefs for negligence in failing to act on intelligence. Sirisena was later ordered by the Supreme Court to personally pay damages to victims’ families for his dismal failure to prevent the attack despite clear foreknowledge.
At face value, the Easter bombings seemed to be an immense security failure—a complete collapse of the national security machinery. The incoming Rajapaksa administration capitalized on public outrage over that failure. Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a former defense secretary famed for ruthlessly ending the civil war, swept the November 2019 presidential election on a platform of restoring security and order. For a time, the official storyline of ISIS-inspired extremists acting alone was largely accepted, and the country moved on in grief.
New Evidence Suggests an Insider Conspiracy
Six years later, that tidy narrative is falling apart. A series of whistleblower testimonies, leaked documents, and investigative reports have cast a harsh light on an unsettling possibility: the Easter massacre may have been an intelligence operation rather than an intelligence failure. The most explosive allegation is that elements within Sri Lanka’s own security apparatus — loyal to the Rajapaksa family — enabled or even organized the attacks to create chaos and swing the upcoming 2019 election.
Central to these claims is a leaked intelligence dossier that traces a clandestine flow of money in the lead-up to the bombings. According to the report, a prominent businessman in the plantation industry, known to be a close friend of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, funneled approximately LKR 65 million to the extremists behind the attack. This sum was allegedly used to purchase explosives, arrange safe houses, and cover the attackers’ travel and training expenses. Investigators following the money trail have uncovered shell companies and offshore accounts linking this financer—nicknamed “Mahzoom”—to figures in Sri Lanka’s military intelligence. Notably, the same businessman had profited massively from a sugar-import scam during Rajapaksa’s tenure, raising suspicions that illicit proceeds from state corruption were diverted to fund the terror plot.
Multiple insiders from within the security services have come forward (some from exile) to describe how a covert wing of military intelligence allegedly abetted the attackers on the ground. Their accounts detail an operation in which operatives loyal to Gotabaya Rajapaksa surreptitiously provided the bombers with transportation, facilities, and technical support. They claim the conspirators:
- Shuttled NTJ leader Zahran Hashim and his cadre from Sri Lanka’s Eastern Province to Colombo in unmarked government vehicles.
- Sheltered the men in safe houses that had previously been used by state intelligence.
- Supplied encrypted communications equipment to the plotters.
If true, these actions directly facilitated the attacks and explain how an ostensibly small extremist cell executed such a complex, multi-target operation undetected. Shockingly, investigators from the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) had indeed been tracking some of these Islamic extremists prior to April 2019—but their efforts were mysteriously thwarted. Former CID chief Shani Abeysekara has alleged that state intelligence agents sabotaged his investigation and even fabricated false leads to misdirect police away from Zahran’s network. High-level police investigators were removed or reassigned en masse right after Gotabaya took office, effectively dismantling the team probing the bombings. Ravi Seneviratne, the lead investigator initially on the case, stated that by late 2019 his team had uncovered communications between military intelligence officers and the suicide bombers—only to have his inquiry shut down by superiors under political pressure.
The role of Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay has come under particular scrutiny. Then Director of the State Intelligence Service, Sallay was reportedly in contact with at least three individuals linked to the NTJ cell prior to the attacks. Leaked records indicate Sallay may have helped one of Zahran’s associates obtain safe passage to Colombo in the run-up to Easter 2019. Sallay has denied all allegations. However, his swift promotion afterward and his known loyalty to the Rajapaksa camp have fueled suspicions. The Sri Lankan High Commissioner in Malaysia at the time, MJM Musamil, another Rajapaksa loyalist, is also implicated in the new evidence. Whistleblower testimony and unofficial consular logs indicate that Zahran Hashim traveled to Malaysia months before the bombings and held a secret meeting with Musamil at the High Commission in Kuala Lumpur. Why a wanted extremist was meeting a Sri Lankan diplomat abroad remains a disturbing mystery. Opposition leaders are now calling for Musamil to be summoned and questioned.
Equally controversial is the spotlight on Professor Rohan Gunaratna, a well-known counterterrorism expert. Gunaratna was the first to loudly assert that the Easter carnage was the handiwork of ISIS-linked Islamist radicals, reinforcing the official narrative in countless media interviews. His framing helped solidify public perception that absolved the state of deeper culpability. Now, however, critics accuse Gunaratna of essentially acting as a propagandist working in tandem with the plot’s architects. They point out that he has longstanding ties to Sri Lankan military intelligence and was reportedly in close contact with Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidential campaign in 2019.
Perhaps the most fundamental question in this saga is: Who benefited? In late 2019, amidst the fear and fury after the bombings, one political figure reaped a clear advantage: Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The attacks created a climate of national crisis that played directly into his hardline, security-first campaign. It is therefore not lost on investigators that the alleged funding and logistical support for the terrorists trace back to individuals in Rajapaksa’s circle. Gotabaya and his allies have denied this, claiming the allegations are politically motivated.
International Angles: Chinese Intelligence and India’s Warnings
India’s RAW actively tried to prevent the massacre by alerting Sri Lanka multiple times in advance. Indian officials were reportedly baffled and frustrated that their tip-offs were not acted upon. In retrospect, the failure of Sri Lankan authorities to respond to India’s remarkably specific warnings looks less like incompetence and more like willful disregard.
In the backdrop looms Chinese intelligence. Investigations have uncovered suggestions that Chinese operatives may have been covertly aware of, or even supportive of, the alleged plot by pro-Rajapaksa elements. An audio recording unearthed in 2019 revealed a conversation between a top Sri Lankan military intelligence official and a Chinese operative. In the recording, Retired Major General Kapila Hendawitharana, then head of security at the Shangri-La hotel, briefs the Chinese about the political fallout of the Easter bombings and urges China to intervene diplomatically to prevent Sri Lanka from deepening ties with the United States.
While no hard evidence implicates China in abetting the terrorists, the intelligence footprint around the event is suggestive. Gotabaya Rajapaksa was widely seen as Beijing’s preferred candidate in 2019 – a strongman friendly to Chinese interests and skeptical of India and the West.
The Alleged Masterminds Still at Large
Emerging evidence, whistleblower testimonies, and leaked intelligence files have pointed to the following key figures as the alleged architects behind the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings. While each denies involvement, growing public pressure and documentary revelations have made them central to calls for justice and accountability.
- Gotabaya Rajapaksa – The Political Mastermind
The former President and ex-Defense Secretary is accused of being the principal architect of the bombings. Intelligence reports and whistleblower evidence allege that he orchestrated and indirectly financed the attacks through loyal intermediaries to capitalize on post-attack fear and nationalism for his 2019 presidential campaign. His ascent to power occurred just seven months after the carnage, following a fear-driven national security narrative.
(Sources: Lanka-e-News, 2025; Ellis-Petersen, 2023) - Lt. General Kapila Hendavitharana – The Handler and Architect of Intelligence Operations
As former Director of Military Intelligence, Hendavitharana allegedly served as the principal handler of the Easter attackers. He is believed to have coordinated the movements of intelligence assets involved in the operation, provided strategic oversight, and liaised with foreign actors, including alleged Chinese intelligence contacts. He was also head of security at the Shangri-La Hotel—the primary target—at the time of the attack.
(Sources: NATO Association of Canada, 2020; Colombo Telegraph, 2020) - Lt. General Suresh Sally (SIS) – The Operational Intermediary
Then Director of the State Intelligence Service, Sally allegedly played an intermediary role, maintaining direct or indirect communications with some of the attackers and facilitating safe passage and logistical coordination through military channels. Despite denials, records and testimonies suggest close proximity to several conspirators.
(Sources: Lanka-e-News, 2025; Sunday Chronicle, 2024) - Professor Rohan Gunaratna – The Propagandist and Narrative Engineer
A prominent counterterrorism analyst with close ties to the Rajapaksa political establishment, Gunaratna is accused of strategic deception. His role was to construct and disseminate the official narrative that blamed ISIS-inspired extremists, thereby diverting scrutiny away from state involvement. He has been accused of crafting intelligence dossiers that supported this pre-determined narrative.
(Sources: Lanka-e-News, 2025; Guardian, 2023) - Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias “Pillayan” – The Logistics Facilitator
Former Eastern Province Chief Minister and ex-paramilitary leader, Pillayan is alleged to have served as the logistics chief for the operation. He reportedly facilitated the recruitment of attackers through intelligence-linked operatives and provided ground-level support in coordination with military handlers. He was previously implicated in high-profile political assassinations.
(Sources: Lanka-e-News, 2025; CID whistleblower reports)
Ongoing Calls for Justice and Accountability
Today, six years later, the victims’ families and survivors continue to demand answers. Each anniversary brings more pledges from authorities, but little closure. The current government has promised reforms and opened a new investigation, but civil society leaders fear these efforts will again be buried under political pressure.
The Catholic Church has been relentless in its demand for accountability. Cardinal Ranjith has appealed to the Vatican and the United Nations, and Pope Francis has publicly urged Sri Lankan authorities to reveal the truth behind the attack. Despite some legal victories for victims’ families, no senior official has yet been charged.
The sixth anniversary of Sri Lanka’s darkest Easter finds a country at a crossroads – torn between the desire to move on and the duty to insist on the truth. As bells toll in churches this April 21 in memory of the fallen, the unanswered cries for justice echo louder than ever.
References
Ariaratnam, K. (2020, May 25). Special Report: Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday Bombings – An Intelligence Failure? Or an Intelligence Operation? NATO Association of Canada. (Special Report: Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday Bombings – An Intelligence Failure? Or an Intelligence Operation? – NAOC)
Ellis-Petersen, H. (2023, December 24). Previous Sri Lanka government accused of blocking investigation into Easter bombings. The Guardian. (Previous Sri Lanka government accused of blocking investigation into Easter bombings | Sri Lanka attacks | The Guardian)
Lanka-e-News. (2025, April 13). Did Gotabaya Rajapaksa Fund the Easter Sunday Attack? A Deep Dive into Explosive Allegations. (Did Gotabaya Rajapaksa Fund the Easter Sunday Attack.docx)
Lanka News Web. (2025, March 16). Cardinal calls for justice ahead of sixth anniversary of Easter Sunday Attacks. (Cardinal calls for justice ahead of sixth anniversary of Easter Sunday Attacks – LNW Lanka News Web)
Mallawarachi, B. (2023, September 10). Sri Lanka’s president will appoint committee to probe claims of complicity in 2019 Easter Sunday bombings. Associated Press (via PBS NewsHour). (Sri Lanka’s president will appoint committee to probe claims of complicity in 2019 Easter Sunday bombings | PBS News)
Al Jazeera. (2023, January 12). Sri Lanka ex-leader ordered to compensate Easter bombing victims. (Sri Lanka ex-leader ordered to compensate Easter bombing victims | Sri Lanka Bombing News | Al Jazeera)
Al Jazeera. (2023, September 8). Ex-Sri Lanka leader denies 2019 bombings were staged to help him win polls. (Ex-Sri Lanka leader denies 2019 bombings were staged to help him win polls | Sri Lanka Bombing News | Al Jazeera)
Al Jazeera. (2019, April 23). Sri Lanka bombings: Who are the National Thowheed Jamath? (Sri Lanka’s Easter Bombings review – startling and deeply disturbing viewing | Television & radio | The Guardian)
